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"Offering a cutting edge study of the European Union's (EU) promotion of democratic governance in neighbouring countries, this new book makes an original contribution to the study of democracy promotion and of EU external relations by presenting a new governance model of democracy promotion.Through robust analysis of the shortcomings of traditional 'leverage' and 'linkage' models of external democracy promotion in the EU's Eastern and Southern neighbourhood, it presents a novel 'governance model' that fosters transparency, accountability, and participation standards through functional cooperation between policy officials from the EU and neighbouring states. In particular, it examines the impact of democratic governance promotion in detailed case studies of EU sectoral cooperation with Moldova, Morocco, and Ukraine in the three policy fields of competition, environment, and migration. "--

Does contact with democratic governance make state officials in authoritarian regimes more democratic? While studies of democratic diffusion are built on the inherent assumption that exposure to democratic practices shapes the attitudes of domestic actors toward democracy, scholars of international socialization are more skeptical about such micro-effects. Drawing on insights from sociology and social psychology, I examine what type of cross-national activities can socialize Moroccan state officials into democratic governance. The results of cross-sectional, multivariate regression analyses based on original survey data emphasize that, in authoritarian contexts, transnational linkage manifests the potential to democratize only if it involves practical experience, a condition fulfilled by cooperative exchange within transgovernmental networks, but not by more diffuse types of linkage such as international education and foreign media broadcasting. Adapted from the source document.

Die Autorin argumentiert, dass die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit den beiden Zielen - Stabilität und Demokratie - gleichzeitig dienen kann. Wissenschaftler und Praktiker vertreten verschiedene Meinungen zu den Effekten, die eine funktionale Assistenz auf kooperierende autoritäre Regime haben kann. Einige erkennen an, dass die Kooperation autoritäre Regime stabilisieren kann, indem sie effektive Antworten auf soziale Probleme anbietet und dadurch die Output-Legitimität in den Kooperationsstaaten erhöht. Andere betonen, dass eine funktionale Kooperation zu demokratischem Wandel beitragen kann, indem sie demokratische Verfahren in nationale Gesetze einführt. Auf diese Weise würden reformorientierte Akteure gestärkt und in ihrer Forderung nach erhöhter Input-Legitimität unterstützt. Die Autorin möchte in ihrem Beitrag aufzeigen, dass sich diese beiden vorherrschenden Argumentationsweisen über die Folgen von Kooperation mit autokratischen Staaten nicht zwangsläufig gegenseitig ausschließen. Sie schlägt vielmehr eine differenziertere Perspektive vor und verdeutlicht am Beispiel der Kooperation zum Wassermanagement zwischen der Europäischen Union und Marokko, dass die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit zwar autoritäre Regime auf der Makroebene des politischen Systems stabilisieren, gleichzeitig aber auch die Demokratie indirekt fördern kann. (ICI2)

In the field of European Union (EU) migration policies, a large number of legal, administrative, and institutional tightening measures have been established in the name of domestic security since the early 1990s. These measures have been criticized because they allegedly lower the democratic quality of EU migration governance. Yet, the EU seeks to export its rules and regulations beyond its borders to neighbouring third states through its association policies. This article argues that what may be seen as a step back in terms of democratic governance inside the EU may present a step forward in its authoritarian Southern neighbourhood. It explores whether the rules of EU migration can constitute a step toward democratization of migration governance in neighbouring countries, where provisions of transparent, participatory, or accountable decision-making cannot be taken for granted. Taking the example of the Moroccan 2003 law on migration, the paper demonstrates that the EU was fairly successful in inducing the adoption of legislation in line with provisions of democratic governance. The contribution concludes with a discussion of the prospect of implementation of these provisions, in particular, against the background of the EU's extended external competences under the Lisbon Treaty.

Is functional cooperation with authoritarian regimes a blessing or a curse for democratization? Scholars predominantly view cooperation with authoritarian regimes as counterproductive in terms of democratization because it helps the incumbent government to remain in power by stabilizing the regime. This article presents evidence to suggest that functional cooperation can also be considered a promising way of yielding subtle processes of democratization that have hitherto been overlooked. It explores to what extent state officials become acquainted with democratic governance by participating in transgovernmental policy networks, notably the Twinning Program, set up by the European Union in order to implement functional cooperation with its Southern neighborhood. The study conducts regression analyses based on original survey data on Moroccan state officials' attitudes toward democratic governance and complements these analyses with a qualitative comparison of different networks. The findings corroborate an optimistic reading of functional cooperation. By significantly shaping the attitudes toward democratic governance of involved state officials, cooperation appears to be able to plant seeds of change inside authoritarian regimes.

Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the 2012 convention of the European Political Studies Association (EPSA), and the conference "Microfoundations of diffusion research" at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne, in Sept. 2012. ; Students of democratic diffusion argue that strong ties to democracies foster political transformation in non-democratic regimes. They theoretically specify a long causal chain linking the micro-phenomenon of the democratic socialization of individual agents to the macro-phenomenon of regime-type change. However, we know little about the extent to which and the conditions under which transnational linkages familiarize domestic agents with democratic rules and practices. This paper empirically scrutinizes the micro-foundation of the democratic diffusion argument by analyzing the impact of social linkage (international education) and communication linkage (foreign media) on the attitudes toward democratic governance of state officials in the stable authoritarian regime of Morocco. As the machinery of government bureaucracy is particularly relevant for democratic change. However, bureaucrats, as direct beneficiaries of the incumbent regime, usually prefer the status quo. The results challenge the democratization potential of transnational linkages. Multiple regression analyses based on original survey data produce little supporting evidence for a democratizing effect of media broadcasting and international education on the attitudes of Moroccan state officials. While it appears that study visits to democracies have no statistically significant effect, foreign media can positively shape a state official's attitude, but only in non-politicized policy fields.

In the field of European Union (EU) migration policies, a large number of legal, administrative, and institutional tightening measures have been established in the name of domestic security since the early 1990s. These measures have been criticized because they allegedly lower the democratic quality of EU migration governance. Yet, the EU seeks to export its rules and regulations beyond its borders to neighbouring third states through its association policies. This article argues that what may be seen as a step back in terms of democratic governance inside the EU may present a step forward in its authoritarian Southern neighbourhood. It explores whether the rules of EU migration can constitute a step toward democratization of migration governance in neighbouring countries, where provisions of transparent, participatory, or accountable decision-making cannot be taken for granted. Taking the example of the Moroccan 2003 law on migration, the paper demonstrates that the EU was fairly successful in inducing the adoption of legislation in line with provisions of democratic governance. The contribution concludes with a discussion of the prospect of implementation of these provisions, in particular, against the background of the EU's extended external competences under the Lisbon Treaty. Adapted from the source document.